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'Firmly rooted in the rotten feudal, bourgeois life, the Korean language now spoken in Seoul still uses the type of nasal twangs favored by women to coquet with men. One top of it, the English, Japanese and Chinese loan-words, now swarming in the Seoul speech that amounts to more than half the total Korean vocabulary, has turned it into a mixed language. Therefore, we should now take the Pyongyang speech as the (standard) ‘Cultured Language’ since it is the language spoken in Pyongyang, our revolutionary capital' This statement was made by the North Korean premier Kim Il-sung in 1966 in defense of a new standard language, which he named Munhwa.eo, i.e. 'Cultured Language.'
The term munhwa.eo was deliberately coined, it is said, to keep it distinct from the traditional term – pyojuneo – 'Standard language' which refers invariably to Seoul standard language. This is in fact how the linguistic divergence between North and South Korea was effected, at least officially, following the geopolitical division of the Korean peninsula in 1945. The present article engages with the present state of the Korean language as spoken in the North, how it has changed and come to differ from that spoken in the South and what are the main factors that have caused the Pyongyang speech to diverge so much from the Seoul standard.
It was during the first South-North talks in 1972 that South Koreans came in direct contact with North Koreans since when Korea was divided into two parts, and they were startled to learn that there were many words and expressions from the North Korean side, which they could not readily understand. Some words and expressions were totally unintelligible and some apparently familiar words were found to have entirely different semantic connotations. At first, South Koreans assumed that such differences might be purely dialectal, but soon they came to realize that the linguistic differences between the South and the North were much more than dialectal. As in other languages, there are dialectal differences in Korea. However, dialectal differences in Korea have never been so great as to affect mutual understanding between speakers of different dialectal background. Clearly, therefore, the kinds of misunderstanding and difficulties that South Koreans experienced while communicating with North Koreans had hardly anything to do with traditional dialectal differences between the Seoul and the Pyongyang kinds of speech.
In fact, there had already been a big linguistic gap between the South and North Korea which resulted from a series of systematic innovations introduced into the North Korean language, beginning with the abolition of Chinese characters in 1949, and such innovations were motivated to a great extent by political as well as ideological considerations. Otherwise, the Korean language in the North could never have diverged that much from the Standard Korean spoken in the South within a period of time which amounted to less than thirty years, Brief History of the Korean Language In general the Korean language has been classified as belonging to the Altaic language family which comprises, besides Korean, Mongolian, Manchu, Tungus, etc. Split from the Proto-Altaic language at an early stage in history, Korean has evolved as a language with a relatively uniform system and structure. Typologically, Korean is clearly of agglutinative type in grammatical construction.
Of the dialectal variants in Korea, the one spoken in and around Seoul, now the capital city of the Republic of Korea, has been taken as the Standard Korean for over 500 years ever since the Lee dynasty, whereas the Pyongyang speech has been treated as belonging to the North Western dialect. It is interesting to note in passing that Japanese bears a strong resemblance to Korean in the overall grammatical structure, especially in syntactic structure. Any language is destined to change with time. However, language changes so slowly and imperceptibly over a long period of time that it is not at all usual to perceive noticeable changes in anything like two or three decades. Yet, the Korean language in the North has changed so much, in various aspects, in less than thirty years that South Koreans have experienced difficulties in communicating with North Koreans. With a view to bringing out the South-North linguistic divergence in detail, therefore, the characteristic features now found in the North Korean language are surveyed in the order of phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, vocabulary and stylistics.
One of the most noticeable features of PS (Pyongyang speech) is found in stress and intonation. A systematic analysis of the PS prosodic system has yet to be made, but even at this stage it is possible to give an outline of its formal structure and semantic function. To SS (Seoul speech) speakers in the South, PS sounds in general provocative and militant, and such appalling feeling is no doubt conveyed by the unique stress and intonation system characteristic of PS. Stronger stress and higher pitch are used in PS compared to SS, and a sentence in PS tends to be broken into more rhythmic units of shorter length than in SS, and each rhythmic unit ends usually with a high-falling intonation. It is interesting to note how the North Korean side interprets the impressions carried by what I have just described as militant-provocative intonation. Obviously, the effects conveyed by such intonation is interpreted in the North as 'high-spirited, virile and refined,' and such interpretation is amply borne out by a speech made by Kim Il-sung at a meeting of North Korean linguists: 'The pronunciation of Korean is high-spirited, courageous and ‘revolutionarily’ refined, thus suited to express ideas and feelings of the people who are engaged in revolutionary activities'.
In such a conflicting interpretation of one and the same linguistic feature, we can see yet another piece of striking evidence of the South-North language divergence. The most striking feature in PS morphology is found in wordformation. There are North Korean neologisms which simply do not exist in SS, and therefore sound rather strange, if not unintelligible, to SS speakers.
Moreover, traditionally five different speech levels have been recognized in Korean depending on the relationship between the speaker and hearer; i) High formal style, which is the most polite form of speech, ii) Low formal style, which is lower and consequently less polite than the high formal style, iii) Medium style, which is still lower than the low formal, iv) High plain style, which is further down the scale, and v) Low plain style, which is the lowest possible style of speech. In present PS, however, these five levels of speech style have been reorganized and reduced to three levels; namely, i) Polite style, ii) Equal style and iii) Low style. The three speech styles are represented by the inflectional verbal suffixes. Part of the reasons for having simplified the five speech levels to three may be found in the following statement; 'We have three levels of speech style suitable for the people engaged in the construction of a socialist country whereby we can respect senior, express affection of juniors and be friendly with colleagues and friends.' H owever, this makes one wonder what was the real reason hidden under the skin for such simplification. Obviously, such class concept as is expressed by speech level is not only highly undesirable but also ideologically incompatible in a socialist country like North Korea, and perhaps, a complete abolition of speech level was much more desirable for North Korea than just simplification. It may be that, while working on the simplification, North Korean linguists envied the Russians their language, in which, as in many other languages in the world, there has never been such an elaborate system of speech level as is exemplified by languages like Korean and Japanese, and hence no need for such an awkward simplifying procedure.
On the other hand, it is noted that the honorific affix /-si-/, a device used to show respect to the subject of a sentence, is more extensively used in present PS. Finally, the plural concept, expressed formally by /-deur/ but not really a grammatical category in Korea, is now used much more extensively in PS than in SS where it is usualy left out except when it is semantically required. However, as was pointed out in the beginning of this article, it is in the field of semantics and vocabulary that PS shows the most serious divergence from the Seoul standard. In linguistics, semantic change is said to be effected by a change in the relation between the form and concept of the word, and accordingly, the following discussion of the semantic divergence as exhibited by Pyongyang speech is divided into several different types on the basis of the relation obtaining between the form and concept. 1) Words with different form but same concept. This is a case where PS forms are d.ifferent from (semantically ) corresponding SS forms. SS – PS /muceog/ – /mudeung/ 'very' /pogrodweda/ – /bargajida/ 'be exposed' /gogijabi/ – /cueojeon/ 'fishing' /hecyeonagada/ – /hegareuda/ 'proceed' /caeso/ – /namsae/ 'vegetable' /hwajangsir/ – /wisaengsir/ 'toilet' /sangho/ – /hosang/ 'mutual ' /yanghae/ – /ryohae/ 'approval' In addition, there are a large number of PS words which have been coined during the so-called mardadeumgi undong 'Language Purification Movement.'
These words, as can be seen in the following examples, are modelled mainly on the pure Korean elements and they are longer in form than the corresponding SS words. And assisted by the underlying pure Korean elements, the meaning of newly formed words are fairly self-explanatory.
In the following examples, literal translation is given after each PS word to make the structure of the newly-formed words clearer. SS PS /cusu/ 'harvest' – /ga.eurgeodi/ 'autumn harvest' /pama/ 'prmanent wave' – /bokkeummeori/ 'broiled hair' /cica/ 'cogwheel' – /ibakwi/ 'toothwheel' /pyehwarryang/ – /pyesumryang/ 'lung capacity” /gwanjeor/ 'joints' – /ppyeomadi/ 'bone joint' /salgyun/ 'sterilization' – /gyunjugigi/ 'germ killing' /inryeog/ 'gravitation' – /kkeurhim/ 'pulling power' /manweon/ 'full” – /jarieobseum/ 'no vacancy' 2) Words with same form but different concept Words of this category have changed in meaning under the influence of socio-political factors of North Korea. /babgongjang/ 'Meal-factory' referring to a place where housewives get cooked rice with ration ticket. /noruma/ 'standard amount of labour required of labourer'.
/gongminjeung/ 'a kind of identification card' carried by people of over 18 years of age.' /inminbaeu/ 'people’s actor' referring to a first class actor' These words, which are all characteristic of socio-cultural structure of a socialist country, are either meaningless or, at best, totally misunderstood by SS speakers. 4) Words with same form but with expanded concept Words of this category are similar in nature to those given under section 2, but they are different in that their semantic field, instead of being modified as in the latter case, has been expanded.
For example, the word / gungjeon/ means 'palace' in SS, but in PS it has an additional meaning 'a big, palace-like building used for social activities.' Similarly, the word / yesur/ 'art' has now come to mean 'technique' or 'skill' as is illustrated in the sentence, / gunsahunryeoneur seubdeughaja/ 'Let’s learn military ‘technique’.'
5) Words originated. In northern dialects Some northern dialectal words have now been accepted as standard forms in PS.
SS PS /buggyeong/ – /ppeiccing/ 'Peking' /weornam/ – /wetnam/ 'Vietnam' /hanggari/ – /wenggeuria/ 'Hungary' /rumania/ – /romeunia/ 'Rumania' /garaggugsu/ 'noodle' or /kuraimagsu/ 'climax' refers to (Karl) Marxism. Notice the phonetic resemblance between /garaggugsu/ or /kuraimagsu/ and Karl Marx.
/samsib sam gyedan/ '33 steps' is a cynical jargon used to refer to the 33 classes into which North Koreans are classified according to their ideological background. /kkamppagineun cosbur/ 'flickering candle-light' describes the wretched life led by non-party members. These jargons are not only interesting as such but they are also a reliable reflector of the social realities in North Korea. One final word while we are on the question of vocabulary.
One of the primary objectives of North Korea in carrying out the language purification movement, including the expansion of vocabulary items, has been to secure the type of words and expressions that can best serve as an efficient political instrument The Language Policy of North Korea The South-North language divergence has much to do with the language policy of North Korea which began to take effect in 1949 and which has been, and still is, very different from that of the South both in spirit and principle. Had the North Korean language policy been similar, in spirit and principle, to that of the South, or even less drastic than it has been, in all likelihood, there would not have been such a serious language divergence. The North Korean policy on writing system has centered mainly on two problems, namely, the exclusive use of the Korean alphabet and official abolition of Chinese characters and the spelling reform. 1) Exclusive Use of the Korean Alphabet. With the adoption of the compulsory education system for primary education in 1949, North Korea abolished officially the use of Chinese characters and recognized the Korean alphabet 'Hangeul' as the only legitimate writing system.
One of the immediate side effects that emerged from this policy was confusion of meaning with homophonous words which, spelt alike in the Korean alphabetic writing, were ambiguous in meaning. Consequently, this gave rise to the language purification movement in which a large number of foreign loan-words, especially Chinese loans, were replaced by pure Korean words, and many were newly coined and some refined as well as Koreanized. 2) Spelling Reform. The first spelling reform was undertaken in 1954 as part of the North Korean language policy. It took the form of revising the han.geurmajcumbeob tong 'The Korean unified Spelling System' of 1933, which is still effective in South Korea.
In July, 1966, a further revision was made on the earlier version and the so-called 'Korean Spelling Principle' was finally announced. The basic principle of the new spelling system was mainly morphophonemic; that is, the allomorphs with one and the same meaning are always spelt alike. As the result of the North Korean spelling reforms on two occasions many words are now spelt differently in the North and the South. Standard Language The dialect spoken in and around Pyongyang, the capital city of North Korea, has been officially taken as the standard language since 1966. The present PS, although based mainly on Pyongyang speech, seems to have incorporated a number of elements from other North Korean dialects, particularly, Hamgyeong dialect.
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PS generally strikes the SS speakers in the south as 'harsh' and 'aggressive.' However, whatever justifiable reasons there may have been for taking the Pyongyang-based speech as the standard or cultured language, ignoring the status of the traditional Seoul-based speech as the authentic Korean standard language, it is an undeniable fact that such language policy formed the very starting point for the ensuing South-North language divergence. Language Purification and Dictionary Compilation A full scale language purification movement was initiated in order to purify, refine and Koreanize vocabulary items, and even neologize, when necessary. The purpose of the purification movement, it was stated, was to strengthen communistic education and to heighten the cultural value of Korean as a national language. New words formed as a result of the language purification movement, have made it inevitable to compile a new dictionary in North Korea in 1961 and 1969, and this has obviously accelerated the linguistc divergence of two Koreas.
Language as a Political Instrument in North Korea From a survey of the North Korean language policy in the preceding sections we can draws a clear-cut and consistent conclusion. That is, language is regarded as a powerful political instrument in North Korea and is mobilized as a means of. Controlling and governing the society. In a society like the North Korean one, where people are encouraged to emulate the revolutionary struggle as examplified by Kim Il-sung and to use the language as an effective instrument for revolutionary strife and contruction of socialist country, it is perhaps more than natural that the language has become as agressive, millitant and violent as has been shown.
But the problem does not end here. The harsh, militant language is, of course, a serious problem in itself. What is even more worrying, when we take into consideration the inherent interrelation between language and thought, is the far-reaching effect such language has on human nature in general.
Therefore, it is not difficult to realize that violent, harsh and militant language is likely to lead to violent harsh and militant character of speakers. Conclusion The underlying factors for the South-North linguistic divergence are found to lie in i) the geographical as well as socio-cultural separation of two Koreas and ii) radical, politically-motivated language policy that has been pursued by the North side. In particular, the official introduction of the Pyongyang dialect as the so-called standard 'Cultured speech,' is very significant in that it has accelerated language-divergence by bi-polarizing the standard language in Korea. How far is the South-North linguistic divergence going to continue? Is there any chance in foreseeable future for the two Koreas to converge rather than diverge on language? Obviously no definite answer can be given to all these questions at this stage. Ccpm software open source.
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But one thing is clystal-clear now. Unless a serious attempt is made by the two Koreas – and mostly by the North side, to bridge the gap – the South-North divergence is bound to continue in future, leading eventually to irreparable language barrier. It should be remembered that the post-war division of the land was effected chiefly by external forces, but the South-North linguistic divergence has been brought about by none other than the Koreans themselves. Therefore, it is the Koreans themselves who should feel responsible and do something about the problem of language divergence before it is too late.
The split mother tongue should not be left alone any longer.The symbols and abbreviations used in this article to ensure consistent representation of the Korean sounds and other relevant examples are as follows. Consonants: Plosives: /b/, /p/, /pp/; /d/, /t/, /tt/; /g/, /k/, /kk/ Affricates: /j/, /c/, /cc/ Fricatives: /s/, /ss/, /h/ Nasals: /m/, /n/, /ng/ Flap/Lateral: /r/ V owels: /i/, /e/, /ae/, /a/, /o/, /u/f /eo/f /eu/, /ue/t /oe/ Semi-vowels: /w/, /y/ Notes on the phonetic symbols: 1)/b,d,g,j,s/ represent ‘voiceless lenis plosives.’ They become fully voiced when surrounded by voiced sounds such as vowels or nasals. 2)/p,t,k,c/ represent ‘voiceless strongly aspirated plosive consonants.’ 3)/pp, tt, kk, cc/ represent ‘voiceless unaspirated fortis’ plosives. 4)/ng/ represents ‘velar nasal.’ 5)/r/ is a ‘flap’ intervocalically but ‘lateral’ in the syllable-final position. 6)/ae/ represents a front vowel lower in tongue position than /e/ (phonetically (£ ). 7)/eo/ represents ‘half-open back unrounded’ vowel (phonetically a’ J )t 8)/eu/ represents ‘close back unrounded’ vowel (phonetically tu) 9)/ue/ represents ‘close front rounded’ vowel (phonetically y) 10)/o/ represents ‘half-close front rounded’ vowel 11)/ue/ and /oe/ are represented as diphthongs /wi/ and /we/ respectively, unless otherwise stated, since they are rarely realized as pure vowels in modern Korean.
12)In transcribing examples hereafter, /eui/ represents a diphthong /wi/, which is distinguished from /eu.i/, a sequence of pure vowels /eu/ and /i/. Similarly, digraphs like /eu/, /eo/ and /ae/ are distinguished from sequences of pure vowels /e.u/, /e.o/ and /ae/ by the intervening dot used in the latter.
Exactly the same principle applies to distinguish /ng/ ‘velar nasal’ from /n.g/ which is a sequence of’/n/ and /g/.’ Other symbols and abbreviations: 1) SS for ‘Seoul Standard Speech’ 2) PS for ‘Pyongyang (Cultured) Speech’ 3) / / for ‘phonological or morphophonemic transcription’.